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Finally, why is the queen’s hand not raised, but clutched by the king, aparently to protect her and Kartīr (see Weber, 2009, pp. Note also that the Sasanian kings are commonly depicted on horse in hunting scenes on bowls (see Harper, 1978, nos. Today, the hypothesis of the identity of Tōsar (Tansar) and Kartīr, as well as the historicity of Tōsar, has largely been abandoned, but it played a certain role in the 1940s-50s, when it was thought that the clerical power under Ardašīr was Tōsar, but Kartīr from Ohrmazd I and onward (see Duchesne-Guillemin, 1962, pp. Jean de Menasce emphasized that Kartīr’s activities presupposed an orthodoxy that was not his own and must therefore have been the work of his predecessor, namely Tōsar, who had codified the of Ardašīr I, see above), while Tōsar/Tansar and Ādurbād son of Mahrspand remained the great beacons of early Sasanian Zoroastrianism, was a topic of speculation in the early days of decipherment of the inscriptions. 59) considered the possibility that, when the inscriptions were covered by sand or became too unclear to be read, Kartīr simply faded from memory, perhaps helped by the antipathy toward him felt by Narseh, the first usurper of the Sasanian dynasty [“a mean spirit” according to Henning (1952, p.3-4, 6-7, 12, 17), while hunting youths on foot are seen on vases (ibid., nos. are separate words, is most easily parsed as “let this house/capital be your beginning! 517)]; then by Ādurbād (3rd century); and, finally, by Mihr-Narseh, minister (The image of an apparently tolerant Šāpūr I is often cited by scholars in various contexts, and, sometimes, the inscriptions of Kartīr are taken as proof of a return to orthodoxy after a period of liberalism under Šāpūr, but there is no firm evidence for this.If the relief is not thematically related to the inscription, but simply another hunting scene, it is not obvious what the roles of the queen and the chief , Kartīr, would be, their inclusion being also unique. 1, where he characterizes this interpretation as “outrée” and a “bizarrerie” noticed by everybody). Wahrām and Ohrmazd,” referring to the kings, with impossible syntactic analysis, p. A person is potentially good, and if he or she behaves according to the Mazdayasnian tradition, the body will reap the benefits while alive and the soul both in this life and after death.It also does not explain why Kartīr is portrayed between the king and the queen, differently from the other reliefs of Warahrān II. This is quite different from the Manichean conception of soul and body, with the transcendental “soul” imprisoned in the corpse-body and the material soul being composed of the basest elements of man.Humbach and Skjærvø) and the later Pahlavi III(2), 1983, pp. On the language, see, in particular, Skjærvø, 1983a, 1989, and 1997b. Because of the important contents of the inscription and its difficult access, his successors had parts of it engraved elsewhere as well. §§1-2: In KKZ, Kartir begins his account by stating his fidelity to Šāpūr, whose inscription was above his own and to which the opening statement presumably referred: “And I Kerdīr was of good service and of good will () toward the gods, so that the gods may be helpers unto him as well, as they were to Us! In KNRm and KSM, it is impossible to be sure whether the statement began with “and,” but here Ardašīr is added before Šāpūr. Some time after this, doubt again arose, and it was decided to send someone into the other world to verify whether the ritual gifts went to the gods or the demons and whether they helped the souls at all () that paradise and hell exist and are the final abodes of the good and the bad, respectively.Here, the inscriptions (except KNRb) are cited according to the paragraph divisions in Mac Kenzie, 1989. He refined these suggestions in his edition of KNRm, after Hinz’s study of the reliefs in which Kartīr appears (1969). 71-72) criticized these chronologies and proposed that KNRb, being “the shortest” and not being added to a royal inscription or relief (like KKZ and KNRm), might be the first [KNRb was added to the left of Ardašīr’s investiture relief, however]. Whether this was a fact or a pretense he was certain would pass unnoticed and not be doubted at the time the inscriptions were incised cannot be verified (see Mac Kenzie, 1989, pp. Moreover, the inscription was written in order that those who read it would likewise be more confident that the current practices were correct, but also for fame and prosperity to come to their bodies and “righteousness” (The resemblance of Kartīr’s vision narrative to several Avestan and Pahlavi texts was noticed early on.

Introduction Kartīr is known from his inscriptions in Fārs at Naqš-e Rajab (KNRb), to the left of the investiture relief of Ardašīr (r. ) triumphal relief, behind the horse; Sar-e Mašhad (KSM), near the ancient Achaemenid road from Susa to Persepolis and west of the village of Jerra (lat 29°16′53″ N, long 51°51′22″ E), above a relief thematically connected with the inscription; and below the Middle Persian version of Šāpūr I’s trilingual (Middle Persian, Parthian, Greek; ŠKZ) inscription on the Kaʿba-ye Zardošt (KKZ), the tower facing the rock reliefs at Naqš-e Rostam. 218) suggested his name may be preserved in Ṭabarī as Qāher, the ). 228; Lerner and Skjærvø, 2006; Skjærvø, 2007; see also eunuchs ii. 84) translated it as “powerful,” equating it with the proper name in the inscriptions, and proposed the etymology *, and (like Justi) suggested it meant “efficacious, energetic” (1942, p. We know eunuchs held high positions (two are listed in ŠKZ §50), even as priests (see Lerner and Skjærvø, 2006, and Skjærvø, 2007), and Kartīr may have substituted the epithet for his real name. See also Boyce, ) for the sake of the gods, the kings, and his own soul and promoted the priests throughout the imperial territories, both in the lands inhabited by the Ēr (Iranians), from Mesopotamia to Peshawar and Makrān, and in the lands inhabited by the non-Ēr, from Mesopotamia via Armenia to western Anatolia (on the list, see Gignoux, 1971; Kettenhofen, 1995, esp. He held good priests in the land in high honor, but reprimanded () and thus “improved” them.Zaehner referred to Kartīr as a “religious zealot of quite uncommon ardour” (1955, p. On the other hand, we find him described as spiritual man yearning for a religious truth that ought to be revealed to all (Hinz, 1971, p. Among non-Iranists, Neusner speaks of “the [Sasanian] government’s enthusiasm for Kartir’s program” (1999, p.24) and to “the process of intolerance initiated and zestfully developed by Kartīr” (p. More recently, we find him referred to as “a ruthless fanatic, Kartīr, [who] promoted the xenophobic state cult” (Russell, 1990, p. 22; deduced) and states that “Kartir says the Jews were much disturbed” (1999, p.Thus, it is quite likely that Warahrān the king represents a divine Warahrān, and so there is perfect agreement between the narrative and the relief (see below). 56-57, 162), the three levels are populated by souls who were good to a certain degree and who shone like the stars, moon, and sun, respectively; on the sun level (of good deeds), the souls were sitting on thrones and spreads made of gold (In the relief at Sar-e Mašhad, we see Warahrān II (recognizable by his winged crown) in the process of killing a lion (seen both attacking and dead, Trümpelmann, 1975, p. It is also possible, of course, that the title was (deliberately? 46) and went on to interrogate him regarding his teachings (cf. In Manicheism, mankind is Evil’s ultimate creation, fashioned in order to fragment the “soul” captive in matter and make its deliverance ever more difficult (see and body are Ohrmazd’s creations.

Grenet, on the other hand, suggests that this is Srōš psychopomp (2002, p. The subsequent princes may be the rulers of the three levels preceding paradise: the star, moon, and sun levels (the levels of good thoughts, words, and deeds). 11; see also Tanabe, 1990, where various interpretations of the relief are cited) and, behind him, Kartīr (recognizable by his shears), then the queen, and a fourth person (much damaged), who could be the crown prince (see Gyselen, 2005 [2009], on the representations of the crown prince, Warahrān III). 28), mainly on the grounds of the uniqueness (the inscription itself is also “unique,” of course) of such an illustration in Sasanian art and on the fact that the characters in the relief are Warahrān II and his queen. In view of the relief at Sar-e Mašhad, however, where the prince in the shape of Warahrān II is protecting his queen and Kartīr’s doppelgänger against the lions assaulting them at the bridge, as well as the statement at the end of the heavenly journey that he (? ) ambiguous and referred both to Warahrān’s function in the vision narrative and the relief and to Kartīr’s efforts on behalf of the king. In Manicheism, the aim of the creation is to deliver the primeval “soul” and, after the final battle is won, return it to its origin.

Lukonin, who also discussed the dates of the reliefs and inscriptions, mainly on the basis of the portraits, thought the portrait at Sar-e Mašhad was the oldest and dated KSM between 276 and 283 and KNRm and KNRb to after 283 (1979, pp. Note especially the statement in the Manichean Homilies that the Magians wrote “petitions” (The discrepancy between the Manichean form and the Greek and Coptic forms suggests that Kartīr may have affected an archaic form of his own name, which no longer corresponded to the pronunciation of the name at the time. “fortunate, munificent, and beneficent”; Skjærvø, 2003a, p. The similarity with Ṭabarī’s report that Ardašīr’s grandfather Sāsān was a priest at the fire temple of Anāhīd at Eṣṭaḵr was noted by Wikander (1946, pp. Mary Boyce speculated that the Anāhīd fire survived to her days in Šarīfābād () and seats for the gods. The reference could, for instance, also be to some exegesis of the . Kartīr and the Mazdayasnian Tradition Numerous literary formulas common to the Achaemenid and Sasanian inscriptions have been noted and described (see Gignoux, 1979, pp. 107, 129), paralleling, to some extent, Kartīr’s career.



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